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The Union Movement was a political party founded in Britain by Oswald Mosley. Where Mosley had previously been associated with a peculiarly British form of fascism, the Union Movement attempted to redefine the concept by stressing the importance of European unity rather than narrower country-based nationalisms. The UM has therefore, been characterized as an attempt by Mosley to start again in his political life by embracing more democratic and international policies than he had previously been associated with.

Mosley's post-War activity

Having been the leader of the British Union of Fascists (BUF) before the Second World War, it was expected that Mosley would return to lead the far right afterwards. However Mosley initially remained out of the post-War political arena, instead turning to writing, publishing his first work, My Answer (1946), in which he argued that he had been a patriot who had been unjustly punished by his internment under Defence Regulation 18B. In this and his 1947 follow up, The Alternative, Mosley began to argue for a much closer integration between the states of Europe, the beginning of his 'Europe a Nation' campaign that sought a strong united Europe as a counterbalance to the growing power of the US and USSR.

Europe a Nation

Mosley detected a linear growth within British history and he saw Europe a Nation as the culmination of this destiny. Therefore he argued that it was "part of an organic process of British history" with the UK having grown from the old Anglo-Saxon kingdoms into England, then England and Wales, then Scotland and Ireland added and it now further expanding to form a united Europe.

He further envisaged a three-tiered system of government headed by an elected European government to organise defence and the corporatist economy, the continuation of national governments and a collection of local governments for the sake of independent identities.

Mosley’s ideas were not as such new, as concepts of a Nation Europa and Eurafrika (the same idea only with parts of north Africa included as natural sectors of Europe’s traditional sphere of influence, an idea that Mosley himself felt had some merit) were already growing in Germany’s post-War underground, whilst Mussolini’s 1944 Italian Social Republic had returned to fascism’s roots with an attempt at a corporatist economic system during its brief run. Nonetheless Mosley was the first to express the ideas in English and it came as no surprise when he returned to proper political activism in 1948. These plans were to form the basis for the policy programme of the Union Movement.

Formation of the Union Movement

Following the release of interned fascists at the end of the Second World War, a number far-right groups had been formed. These were often virulently anti-semitic and tried to capitalise on the violent events taking place in Palestine. Large meetings were organised in Jewish areas of east London and elswhere which were often violently broken up by anti-fascist groups such as the 43 Group. Fifty one separate groups were unitied under Mosley's leadership in the Union Movement (UM), launched at a meeting in Farringdon Hall, London, in 1948. These included Jeffrey Hamm's League of Ex-Servicemen and the Sons of St. George under Tommy Moran, both veterans of the BUF. Another early member was Francis Parker Yockey, who had come to England to seek Mosley's help with publishing his written work. Yockey briefly headed up the UM European Contact Section, although he was gone fairly quickly after a fall-out with Mosley.

Mosley remained a critic of liberal democracy, and the UM instead extolled a strong executive that people could endorse or reject through regular referendums, with an independent judiciary in place to appoint replacements in the event of a rejection. The party marched 1500 members through Camden that same year and went on to contest the following year's local elections in London. However, outside of Stepney and Bethnal Green where there was some support, the UM performed very poorly at the polls and secured no representation. After this, the Union Movement ceased to be a significant political party and attendance at meetings dwindled until it was negligible. Disillusioned by the stern opposition that the UM faced, and with his style of street politics being exposed as somewhat passé, Mosley went into self-imposed exile in Ireland, leaving the UM to languish.

Racial tensions and the return of the Union Movement

After the British Nationalities Act 1948 there was a great increase in immigration, particularly from the newly independent Commonwealth states, as well as, to a lesser extent, from the colonies. In the early 1950s immigration was estimated at 8-10,000 per year, but this had grown to 35,000 per year by 1957. Perceptions of the new migrant workers were frequently oppositional and stereotypical, although the Conservative Party, despite the private opinions of some of its members, were loathe to make a political issue out of it, for fear of being seen as gutter politicians. Minor disturbances occurred in 1958 in Notting Hill (following a Mosley rally) and Nottingham with clashes between racial groups, a new phenomenon in Britain.

The new uncertainties revitalised the UM and Mosley re-emerged to stand as a candidate in the 1959 election in Kensington North (which included Notting Hill), a first parliamentary election for him since 1931. Mosley made immigration his campaign issue, combining calls for assisted repatriation with scare stories regarding the criminality and sexual deviance of blacks, a common theme in racial scare-mongering at that time. The 8.1% share of the vote he secured was a personal humiliation for a man who still hoped that he would be called to serve as Prime Minister some day, although the UM as a whole was buoyed by the immigration issue, which it saw as the next big issue in British politics.

European dimension

Alongside his domestic politics Mosley continued to work towards his goal of 'Europe-a-Nation' and in 1962 attended a conference in Venice where he helped to form a National Party of Europe along with Germany's Reichspartei, the Mouvement d’Action Civique and Jeune Europe of Belgium and the Movimento Sociale Italiano. Adopting the slogan "Progress - Solidarity - Unity", the movement aimed to work closely for a closer unity of European states, although in the end little came of it as only the Italian MSI enjoyed any success domestically. This group replaced the earlier European Social Movement in which Mosley had also been involved. The Union Movement itself did not play an active role on the European stage, although it did help to set in motion co-operation between like-minded groups across Europe, which continues to this day with the European National Front.

Final days of the Union Movement

Membership of the UM grew in the early 1960s and Mosley briefly considered the possibility of allowing the smaller British National Party to merge into his group. However Mosley was largely unimpressed by what he saw as John Bean's over-emphasis on race and especially by Colin Jordan's 'racialist twaddle' and the UM continued alone. With talk of mergers dispelled, Mosley stood again in the 1966 election, this time in the Shoreditch and Finsbury constituency. However capturing only 4.6% of the vote, Mosley lost interest thereafter and effectively departed the scene, despite still officially being UM leader until 1973. The increasingly marginalised UM carried on into the 1970s, still advocating 'Europe-a-Nation', but had no real influence and failed to capture support with their fairly unusual policies.

Union Movement post-Mosley

A brief revival looked possible after they were renamed the Action Party in 1973, under which name they fought six seats at the Greater London Council election. Under the leadership of Jeffrey Hamm, the party hoped for something of a revival, although they were damaged severely in 1974 when leading member Keith Thompson and his followers split to form the League of Saint George, a non-party movement which they claimed was the true continuation of Mosley's ideas. Having lost a sizeable chunk of their membership and finding the far right vote had long since been lost to the National Front, the Action Party gave up electoral politics and, in 1978, became the Action Society which acted as a publishing house rather than a political party. The group continued until the death of Hamm in 1994, after which the funding of Mosley's widow Diana Mitford was withdrawn. The Action Society was quietly wound up, representing the end of the Union Movement as a force in British politics.

References

Bibliography

R. Eatwell (2003), Fascism: A History, Pimlico
O. Mosley (1970), My Life, Nelson Press
R. Skidelsky (1975), Oswald Mosley, Macmillan
R. Thurlow (1998), Fascism in Britain, I.B. Tauris

External links

Union Movement on OswaldMosley.com

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Wikipedia

The labour movement or labor movement is a broad term for the development of a collective organization of working people, to campaign in their own interest for better treatment from their employers and political governments, in particular through the implementation of specific laws governing labour relations. Labour unions and trade unions are common names for the specific collective organizations within societies, organized for the purpose of representing the interests of workers and the working class. Many elite-class individuals and political groups may also be active in and part of the labour movement.

In some countries including the United Kingdom and Australia the term is widely used to describe both a "political wing" and an "industrial wing". In Britain these are the Labour Party and Trades Union Congress (TUC) collectively. The Labour Party was created, as the Labour Representation Committee as a result of an 1899 resolution of the TUC, though in modern times, particularly since the election of Tony Blair as leader of the Labour Party in 1994, the alliance is seen to be much looser and a number of unions have broken their formal ties with the party.

History

In Europe, the labour movement began during the industrial revolution, when agricultural jobs declined and employment moved to more industrial areas. The idea met with great resistance. In the 18th century and early 19th century, groups such as the Tolpuddle Martyrs of Tolpuddle, Dorset were punished and deported for forming unions, which was against the laws of the time.

The world-wide labor movement gained major impetus in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries from the Catholic Social Teaching tradition which began in 1891 with the publication of Pope Leo XIII's foundational document, Rerum Novarum, also known as "On the Condition of the Working Classes," in which he advocated a series of reforms including limits on the length of the work day, a living wage, the elimination of child labor, the rights of labor to organize, and the duty of the state to regulate labor conditions. Following the release of the document, the labor movement which had previously floundered began to flourish in Europe and later in North America.

Throughout the world, action by the labour movement has led to reforms and workers' rights, such as the 2-day weekend, minimum wage, paid holidays, and the achievement of the eight-hour day for many workers. There have been many important labour activists in modern history who have caused changes that were revolutionary at the time and are now regarded as basic. For example, Mary Harris Jones, better known as Mother Jones, and the National Catholic Welfare Council were central in the campaign to end child labour in the United States during the early 20th century. An active and free labour movement is considered by many to be an important element in maintaining democracy and for economic.

Development of labour movements within nation states

Historically labour markets have often been constrained by national borders that have restricted movement of workers. Labour laws are also primarily determined by individual nations or states within those nations. While there has been some efforts to adopt a set of international labour standards throughout the International Labour Organization (ILO), international sanctions for failing to meet such great standards are very limited. In many countries labour movements have developed independently and reflect those national boundaries.

Development of an international labour movement

With ever increasing levels of international trade and rising influence of multinational corporations, there has been debate and action within the labour movement broadly to attempt international co-operation. This has led to renewed efforts to organize and collectively bargain internationally. A number of international union organizations have been established in an attempt to facilitate international collective bargaining, to share information and resources and to advance the interests of workers generally.