The most common roots that are masculine unless specifically marked as feminine are:
In addition, kuzo "cousin", bubo "brat", and amiko "friend" are generally considered to be masculine, but under English influence are increasingly becoming gender neutral.
Gender-neutral roots such as leono "lion" and kelnero "waiter" may be made feminine (leonino "lioness", kelnerino "waitress"), but there is no comparable way to derive the masculine. Gender is one of the aspects of the language that is most frequently targeted for criticism, especially as it is seen as easy to "fix".
Reforms tend to center around a few key areas:
Two specific remedies recur repeatedly, as they derive from the existing resources of the language. These are the masculine suffix *-iĉo, the epicene prefix *ge-, and the epicene pronoun *ŝli.
*-Uno was created through ablaut of *-ino. It is, in fact, the only such possibility, as -ano, -eno, and -ono already exist. *-Iĉo is popular because it was created by analogy with the pet-name suffix -ĉjo, the only masculine suffix in the language, so that the pet names and general gender suffixes are symmetrical:
| Endearment | Gender | |
|---|---|---|
| Feminine | -njo | -ino |
| Masculine | -ĉjo | *-iĉo |
An element common to all such proposals is that the gender-changing nouns are to be reanalyzed as gender neutral when they occur without a gender suffix, as the names of professions and nationalities, such as policano "policeman" → "police officer" and anglo "Englishman" → "English person", did half a century ago. The resulting paradigms are as follows:
| Standard | U-proposal | Ĉ-proposal | Trans. | Endearment | Trans. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Neuter | — | *patro | *patro | "parent" | — | — |
| Feminine | patrino | patrino | patrino | "mother" | panjo | "mama" |
| Masculine | patro | *patruno | *patriĉo | "father" | paĉjo | "papa" |
There have been a few published books which use *-iĉo.
Advocates of one proposal sometimes claim that the competing proposal is confusing because it resembles another suffix, for example that *patriĉo "father" resembles (standard) pejorative patraĉo "a bad father", or that *patruno "father" resembles patrino "mother", but there does not seem to be a problem in actual use: With the word stress on the suffix vowel, -iĉo/-aĉo and -uno/-ino are as distinct as many other pairs of Esperanto suffixes, such as -ilo/-ulo, and the brain soon filters out such similarities as meaningless. The Ĉ-form *nepiĉo "grandson" is homonymous with ne piĉo "not a vagina", but this is slang; the official meaning of piĉo is "musical pitch".
| Without masculine | With masculine | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Neuter | *gepatro | *gepatro | "parent" |
| Feminine | patrino | patrino | "mother" |
| Masculine | patro | *patriĉo | "father" |
People who use *patriĉo for "father" may avoid the bare root patro "*parent" altogether as ambiguous, or may use it and switch to *gepatro only when they need to disambiguate.
The word eŭnuko "eunuch" has given rise to the back-formation suffix -uko for castrated people or animals, creating forms such as bovuko from bovo "bull/cattle" to replace okso "steer". These are, of course, all masculine.
As in English, Esperanto has a personal pronoun for "he", li, and "she", ŝi, but no good way to avoid mentioning gender in such situations. Paraphrasing li aŭ ŝi "he or she", as in English, quickly becomes tiresome. There are two general approaches to resolving this issue: modifying an existing pronoun, and creating a new pronoun.
As discussed in the main article, ĝi is used principally with animals and objects. Zamenhof also prescribed it to be the epicene pronoun for use when the sex of an individual is unknown, or to refer to an epicene noun such as persono (person). However, in his writing it is only used for children:
However, when gender becomes a problem it is much more common for for people to use the demonstrative adjective and pronoun tiu (that one) as a work-around. Unfortunately, this remedy is not always available. For example, in the sentence,
It would be possible to extend the use of reflexive pronoun si, which officially cannot occur in subject position, to that of a logophor:
Due to English influence, singular "they" has been reported:
Finally, the epicene sense of li can be made explicit with singular ge-, though pronouns do not normally take any affixes aparte from grammatical inflections:
Although several of these have promise—zi has parallels in Dutch, and the similarity between ĵi and ĝi would not be a problem for people who do not distinguish those words in their native languages anyway—only three are at all common: gi, hi, and ri. There is also a not uncommon form ŝli.
Gi is a popular proposal because it is iconic: in writing, it resembles ĝi, which it also resembles in meaning, and it is also similar to the occasionally epicene prefix ge-. This makes it readily recognizable.
Making li the epicene pronoun is also a common approach, as it is obviously related to the epicene plural ili "they". Such approaches then diverge in how to treat the masculine. This may simply be abandoned, reducing the inventory to li "s/he" and ili "they", or a new masculine pronoun may be created. The most popular new pronoun is hi "he", so that the gendered pronouns hi and ŝi both derive from English.
A variant of this that was popular for a time in online newsgroups, called riismo, modifies li slightly to ri as a signal that the speaker is using gender-neutral pronouns, but then in order to avoid confusion eliminates li and ŝi completely, so that the inventory becomes ri "s/he" and ili "they". The riist "manifesto" also adopts the masculine suffix *-iĉo and the occasional epicene use of ge- to avoid any resulting confusion. Critics maintain that it is important to retain the option of gendered pronouns, if for no other reason than the translation of much of the world's literature, and that using *ri as a pronoun causes chronic confusion with the many verbs that begin with ri-, such as ri gardas "s/he keeps" vs rigardas "looks", ri petas "s/he asks" vs ripetas "repeats", etc.
Breaking with the consonant-i form of the pronouns, but instantly recognizable to most Esperantists, is another proposal, ŝli. This is just the reading pronunciation of the abbreviation ŝ/li, the equivalent of English "s/he", and is not infrequently seen in informal writing.
| Official | Ĝiism | Ŝliism | Giism | Liism | Riism | Hiism | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Epicene | — | ĝi | ŝli | gi | li | ri | li |
| Masculine | li | li | li | li | hi | ||
| Feminine | ŝi | ŝi | ŝi | ŝi | ŝi | ||
| Neuter | ĝi | ĝi | ĝi | ĝi | ĝi | ĝi | ĝi |
| Plural | ili | ili | ili | ili | ili | ili | ili |
The problem with most of these proposals is that it is extremely difficult to add pronouns to a language. Therefore the only ones that are likely to succeed are those such as ĝi, ŝli, or si that use the existing forms of the language, as can be seen by the occasional occurrence of ŝli.
Due to the symmetry between li "he" and ili "they", the obvious choice is to make ili masculine and to create an analogous feminine form, iŝi. This was proposed by Kálmán Kalocsay and Gaston Waringhien in the 3rd edition of their Plena Gramatiko de Esperanto (pp 72-73, note 1). They cited the biblical passage Matthew 28:10-11:
It is obvious from context that "They will see me there" refers to the brothers. However, the identity of the "they" in "While they were going" is completely opaque. Kalocsay and Waringhien proposed the following solution: