Dalit is a self designation for group of people of South Asian descent who were traditionally regarded as untouchables or low caste. Dalits are a mixed population of numerous caste groups all over South Asia and speak number of languages. They are genetically similar to the remaining caste groups. It is impossible to differentiate between Dalits and the various caste groups on the basis of phenotypes or genetics. The caste system is regarded by many as a social construct between Indian people and does not have a genetic basis.
The caste system has been abolished under the Indian constitution and since independence significant steps have been taken to provide opportunities in jobs and education. Other governments in South Asia such as Nepal and Bangladesh have also implemented policies to improve the living standards of their Dalit populations. Nevertheless there is still discrimination and prejudice against Dalits in South Asia. In the 21st century, Dalits have begun to assert political control in populous northern states of India such as Uttar Pradesh.
The term was used in the 1930s as a Hindi and Marathi translation of "depressed classes", a term the British used for what are now called the scheduled castes. In 1930 there was a newspaper published for the depressed classes in Pune called "Dalit Bandu" (friends of dalits). The word was also used by B R Ambedkar in his Marathi speeches. The Dalit Panthers revived the term in their 1973 manifesto and expounded its referents to include the scheduled tribes, Neo-Buddhists, working people, landless and poor peasant women and all those being exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion . Thus the term dalit is a broad definition, encompassing all those considered to be either similarly placed.
The terms scheduled castes/scheduled tribes (SC/ST) and non-caste tribes are also used in the Indian legal system in India. However, in 2008, the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, asked the Government to end the use of the Dalit, calling it 'unconstitutional' and preferred the word, Schedule Caste instead, after the order, Chhattisgarh government ended the official use of the word. The term Harijan was coined by Mahatma Gandhi, which means "Children of God" — Hari is another name for the deity Vishnu. The usage of term Harijan is objected to by Dalit activists as patronizing. In Tamil Nadu state the word Adi Dravida is used where as in Karanataka it is Adi Karnataka and in Andhra Pradesh it is, Adi Andhra. It means the original inhabitant of the land.
Most of the Dalits are bonded workers and many work in slave-like conditions to pay off debts that were incurred generations ago. The majority of Dalits live in segregation and experience violence, murder, rape and atrocities to the scale of 110,000 registered cases a year according to 2005 statistics. Common belief is these numbers are nowhere close to the real total of crimes committed against Dalits. Most crimes go unreported, and few registered cases ever get to trial.
Many Dalits who have converted to other religions in the past few centuries continue to retain their Dalit heritage. In the 1991 census, Dalits numbered just over 130 million and constituted more than 16% of India's population. Discrimination against Dalits is not limited to the Hindu community. This situation is exacerbated by the fact that non-Hindu Dalit groups have traditionally not been recognized as Scheduled Castes under hiring quota laws. The Dalit Muslims or "Arzal", as well as Dalit Christians form an integral part of the caste system in South Asia among Muslims and Christians. Many Dalit Muslims are discriminated against by the upper-caste "Ashraf" Muslims, and Dalit Christians are discriminated against by upper caste Christian priests and nuns.
Some Dalits have successfully integrated into urban Indian society, where caste origins are less obvious and less important in public life. In rural India, caste origins are more readily apparent and Dalits remain excluded from local religious life, though some qualitative evidence suggests that its severity is in fact fast diminishing. Dalits and similar groups are also found in Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. In addition, the Burakumin of Japan and Baekjeong of Korea are similar in status to Dalits.
Dalits in North India include Dombas, Chandalas, leather-workers (called Chamar), carcass handlers (called Mahar), poor farmers and landless laborers, night soil scavengers (called Bhangi), street handcrafting people, folk artists, street cleaners, sweepers (Chura) and washermen (Dhobi). In South India the Parayas, Pulayas, Malas, Madigas are notable Dalit groups amongst many others.
| Religion | Scheduled Caste | Scheduled Tribe |
|---|---|---|
| Buddhism | 89.50% | 7.40% |
| Christianity | 9.00% | 32.80% |
| Sikhism | 30.70% | 0.90% |
| Hinduism | 22.20% | 9.10% |
| Zoroastrianism | - | 15.90% |
| Jainism | - | 2.60% |
| Islam | 0.80% | 0.50% |
The term, Chandala can be seen used in the Manu Smriti (codes of caste segregation) to the Mahabharata the religious epic. In later time it was also used as a synonym for Domba indicating both terms were interchangeable and did not represent one ethnic or tribal group. Instead, it was a general opprobrious term. In the early Vedic literature several of the names of castes that are spoken of in the Smritis as Antyajas occur. We have Carmanna (a tanner of hides) in the Rig Veda (VIII.8,38) the Chandala and Paulkasa occur in Vajasaneyi Samhita. Vepa or Vapta (barber) in the Rig Veda. Vidalakara or Bidalakar occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. Vasahpalpuli (washer woman) corresponding to the Rajakas of the Smritis in Vajasaneyi Samhita. According to Fa Hien, a Chinese Buddhist pilgrim who recorded his visit to India in the early 4th century AD noted that by then Chandelas were living in segregated from the mainstream society as untouchables. Traditionally, Dalits were considered to be beyond the pale of Varna or caste system. They were originally considered as Panchama or the fifth group beyond the four fold division of Indian people. They were not allowed to let their shadows fall upon a non-Dalit caste member and they were required to sweep the ground where they walk to remove the 'contamination' of their footfalls. Dalits were forbidden to worship in temples or draw water from the same wells as caste Hindus, and they usually lived in segregated neighborhoods outside the main village
However, there have been cases of upper caste Hindus warming to the Dalits and Hindu priests, demoted to low caste ranks, who continued practicing the religion. An example of the latter was Dnyaneshwar, who was excommunicated into Dalit status from society in the 13th century, but continued to compose the Dnyaneshwari, a commentary on the Bhagwad Gita. Other excommunicated Brahmins, such as Eknath, fought for the rights of untouchables during the Bhakti period. Historical examples of Dalit priests include Chokhamela in the 14th Century, who was India's first recorded Dalit poet, Raidas, born into Dalit cobblers amongst others. The 15th century saint Ramananda also accepted all castes, including untouchables, into his fold. Most of these saints subscribed to the Bhakti movements in Hinduism during the medieval period that rejected casteism. Nandanar, a low-caste Hindu cleric, also rejected casteism and accepted Dalits. Due to their isolation from the rest of the Hindu society, many Dalits continue to debate whether they are 'Hindu' or 'non-Hindu'. Traditionally, Hindu Dalits have been barred from many activities that were seen as central to Vedic religion and Hindu practices of orthodox sects. Among Hindus each community has followed its own variation of Hinduism. The wide variety of practices and beliefs observed in Hinduism makes any clear assessment difficult. Each community, including the Dalit see their importance in the history of Hinduism.
Other reformers, such as Jyotirao Phule, Ayyankali of Kerala and Iyothee Thass of Tamil Nadu worked for emancipation of Dalits. The 1930s saw key struggle between Mahatma Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar, over whether Dalits would have separate electorates or joint electorates. Although Gandhi failed to get Ambedkar's support for not having separate seats, nevertheless began the Harijan Yatra, the journey or possession of children of God. Another popular Dalit includes Palwankar Baloo, who joined the Hindu Mahasabha and was both a politician and a cricketer. He was an independence fighter. In addition, other Hindu groups have reached out to the Dalit community in an effort to reconcile with them. On August 2006, Dalit activist Namdeo Dhasal, engaged in dialogue with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in an attempt to "bury the hatchet". Hindu temples are increasingly more receptive to Dalit priests a function formerly reserved for Brahmins.
The Dalit Muslims are referred to by the Ashraf and Ajlaf Muslims as Arzal or "ritually degraded". They were first recorded in the 1901 census as those “with whom no other Muhammadan would associate, and who are forbidden to enter the mosque or to use the public burial ground”. They are relegated to "menial" professions such as scavenging and carrying night soil.
Ambedkar wrote about the Dalit Muslims and was extremely critical of their mistreatment by upper-caste Muslims quoting that "Within these groups there are castes with social precedence of exactly the same nature as one finds among the Hindus"
There are sects such as the Adi-Dharmis who have now abandoned Sikh Temples and the 5 Ks. They are like the Ravidasis and regard Ravidas as their guru. They are also clean shaven as opposed to the mainstream Sikhs. Sant Ram was from this community and a member of the Arya Samak who tried to organize the Ad-Dharmis. Other Sikh groups include Jhiwars, Bazigars, Rai Sikh (many of whom are Ravidasias.) Just like the violence against Harijans (Hindu Dalits), there has been violence against Sikh Dalits.
A 1992 study
of Catholics in Tamil Nadu found some Dalit Christians faced segregated churches, cemeteries, services and even processions. Despite Christian teachings these Dalit also faced economic and social hardships due to discrimination by upper-caste priests and nuns. Other sources support these conclusions, including Christian advocacy groups for Dalits. One famous Christian Dalit activist with the nom-de-plume Bama Faustina has written books providing a first-hand account of discrimination by several upper-caste nuns and priests in South India.
Dalit Christians are not accorded the same status as their Hindu and neo-Hindu counterparts when it comes to social upliftment measures. In recent years, there have been demands from Dalit Christians, backed by prominent church authorities and boards to accord them the same benefits as other Dalits.
In Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and a few other regions, Dalits have come under the influence of the neo-Buddhist movement initiated by Ambedkar. Some of them have come under the influence of the Neo-Buddhist and Christian Missionaries and have converted away from Hinduism into religions such as Christianity and Buddhism in what they have been told is an "attempt to eliminate the prejudice they face".
In the officially Hindu country of Nepal, Dalits and other populations are turning to Buddhism from Vedic Hinduism. Reasons cited are to embrace non-violence and as a response to the caste system, which has led to a substantial increase in Buddhists in the population while those professing Hindusim have decreased from 88% in 1961 to 80% and are declining at present.
The Prevention of Atrocities Act (POA) is a tacit acknowledgement by the Indian government that caste relations are defined by violence, both incidental and systemic. In 1989, the Government of India passed the Prevention of Atrocities Act (POA), which clarified specific crimes against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (the Dalits) as “atrocities,” and created strategies and punishments to counter these acts. The purpose of The Act was to curb and punish violence against Dalits. Firstly, it clarified what atrocities were: both particular incidents of harm and humiliation such as the forced consumption of noxious substances, as well as the systemic violence still faced by many Dalits, especially in rural areas. Such systemic violence includes forced labor, denial of access to water and other public amenities, and sexual abuse of Dalit women. Secondly, the Act created Special Courts to try cases registered under the POA. Thirdly, the Act called on states with high levels of caste violence to be “atrocity-prone” and to appoint qualified officers to monitor and maintain law and order. The POA gave Dalits vital ammunition in the form of legal redress but only two states have created separate Special Courts in accordance with the law. In practice the Act has suffered from a near-complete failure in implementation. Policemen have displayed a consistent unwillingness to register offenses under the act. This reluctance stems partially from ignorance and also from peer protection. According to a 1999 study, nearly a quarter of those government officials charged with enforcing the Act are unaware of its existence.
Another major politically charged issue with the rise of Hindutva's (Hindu nationalism) role in Indian politics is that of religious conversion. This political movement alleges that conversions of Dalits are due not to any social or theological motivation but to allurements like education and jobs. Critics argue that the inverse is true due to laws banning conversion, and the limiting of social relief for these backward sections of Indian society being revoked for those who convert. Bangaru Laxman, a Dalit politician, was a prominent member of the Hindutva movement.
Another political issue is over the affirmative action measures taken by the government towards the uplift of the Dalits by implementation of quotas in government jobs and university admissions aimed at improving Dalit representation. About 8% of the seats in the National and State Parliaments are reserved for Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates, a measure sought by B.R. Ambedkar and other Dalit activists in order to ensure that Dalits would obtain a proportionate political voice.
Anti-Dalit prejudices exist in fringe groups, such as extremist far-right militia Ranvir Sena, largely run by upper-caste landlords in backward areas of the Indian state of Bihar. They oppose equal treatment of Dalits and have resorted to violent means to suppress the Dalits. The Ranvir Sena is considered a terrorist organization.
In 2008, Mayawati, a Dalit from the Bahujan Samaj Party, was elected as the Chief Minister of India's biggest state Uttar Pradesh. Her victory was the outcome of her efforts to expand her political base beyond Dalits, embracing in particular the Brahmins of Uttar Pradesh . Mayawati, together with her political mentor Kanshi Ram, saw that the interests of the average Dalit (most of whom are landless agricultural laborers) were more in conflict with the middle castes such as the Yadav caste, who owned most of the agricultural land in Uttar Pradesh, than with the predominantly city-dwelling upper castes . Her success in welding the Dalits and the upper castes has led to her being projected as a potential future Prime Minister of India.
By the 1960s, Dalit literature saw a fresh crop of new writers like, Baburao Bagul, Bandhu Madhav , Shankarao Kharat, though its formal form came into being with the Little magazine movement , Dalit Voice, a political magazine which started publishing in 1981 was another force in affirming the rise of Dalit literature in India In Sri Lanka Dalit writers like Dominic Jeeva became popular as mainstream writers in the late 1960.