See J. Boswell, Boswell on the Grand Tour, ed. by F. Brady and F. A. Pottle (1955); P. A. Thrasher, Pasquale Paoli (1970).
(born April 26, 1725, Stretta di Morosaglia, Corsica—died Feb. 5, 1807, London, Eng.) Corsican patriot. Son of Giacinto Paoli, who led the Corsicans against Genoa in 1735, he lived with his father in exile in Naples (1739–55). On his return, he overcame the Genoese faction and was elected to rule Corsica. He suppressed the vendetta system, substituted order and justice, and instituted national schools. He continued the fight for independence, but after France invaded Corsica in 1769 he fled to England, where he lived until 1790. Recalled to Corsica as military commandant, he expelled the French with British naval support (1794) and offered the island's sovereignty to England. He retired to England in 1795.
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Filippo Antonio Pasquale di Paoli (Pascal Paoli, April 6, 1725 February 5, 1807), was a Corsican patriot and leader, the president of the Executive Council of the General Diet of the People of Corsica. Paoli designed and wrote the Constitution of this first democratic republic of the modern age himself. It was a representative democracy asserting that the elected Diet of Corsican representatives had no master. Paoli held his office by election and not by appointment. It made him commander-in-chief of the armed forces as well as chief magistrate. Paoli's government claimed the same jurisdiction as the Republic of Genoa. In terms of de facto exercise of power, the Genovese held the coastal cities, which they could defend from their citadels, but the Corsican republic controlled the rest of the island from Corte, its capital.
In the rebellion of 1729 over a new tax the Genovese withdrew into their citadels and sent for foreign interventions, first from Austria and then from France. Defeated by professional troops the Corsicans ceded violence but kept their organization. After surrendering to the French in 1739 Giacinto Paoli went into exile in Naples with his then 14-year-old son, Pasquale. An older brother, Clemente, remained at home as a liaison to the revolutionary diet, or assembly of the people.
Corsica was subsequently distracted by the War of the Austrian Succession during which troops of a number of countries temporarily occupied the cities of Corsica. In Naples Giacinto perceiving that he had a talented son spared no effort or expense in his education, which was primarily classical. The enlightenment of which Pascale was to become a part was neo-classical in its art, architecture and sentiments. Paoli is said once to have heard an old man on the road reciting Vergil, walked up behind him, clapped him on the back, and resumed reciting at the point where the other had left off. In 1741 Pasquale joined the Corsican regiment of the royal Neapolitan army and served in Calabria under his father.
Corsican exiles in Italy were seeking assistance for the revolution, including a skilled general. In 1736 the exiles of Genoa had discovered Theodor von Neuhoff, a soldier of fortune whom they were willing to make king, but he was unsuccessful and in 1754 languished in debtor's prison in London. The young Pasquale became of interest when in opposition to a plan to ask the Knights of Malta to assume command he devised a plan for a native Corsican government. In that year Giacinto decided that Pasquale was ready to supplant Theodore and wrote to Vincente recommending that a general election be held. The subsequent popular election called by Vincente at Caccia made Pasquale General-in-Chief of Corsica, commander of all resistance.
Corsica at that time was still under the influence of feuding clans, as a result of which only the highland clans had voted in the election. The lowlanders now held an election of their own and elected Mario Matra as commander, who promptly attacked the supporters of Paoli. Moreover, Matra called on the Genovese for assistance, dragging Paoli into a conflict with them. Matra was killed shortly in battle and his support among the Corsicans collapsed.
Paoli's next task was to confine the Genovese to their citadels. His second was to design a constitution which when ratified by the population in 1755 set up a new republic, a representative democracy. Its first election made Paoli president, supplanting his former position.
In November 1755, the people of Corsica ratified a constitution that proclaimed Corsica a sovereign nation, independent from the Republic of Genoa. This was the first constitution written under Enlightenment principles. The new president and author of the constitution occupied himself with building a modern state; for example, he founded a university at Corte. Seeing that they had in effect lost control of Corsica, Genoa responded by selling Corsica to the French by secret treaty in 1764 and allowing Genovese troops to be replaced quietly by French ones. When all was ready in 1768 the French made a public announcement of the union of Corsica with France and proceeded to the reconquest. Paoli fought a guerilla war from the mountains but in 1769 he was defeated in the Battle of Ponte Novu by vastly superior forces and took refuge in England. Corsica officially became a département of France in 1770.
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In London Paoli attracted the attention of the brilliant (and eccentric) Johnsonian circle almost immediately for which his expansive personality made him a natural fit. This informal group of friends included George III, who had been in it before he became king. By the time Paoli entered the scene it had in part taken the form of The Club of mainly successful men of a liberal frame of mind. Such behavior as Paoli showing his bullet-ridden coat to all visitors and then demanding a gratuity for the observation were amusing to the group, which had begun when its members were starting their careers and according to its chronicler James Boswell were themselves needy. After a series of interviews with George, Paoli was given a pension by the crown with the understanding that if he ever returned to Corsica in a position of authority he would support British interests against the French. This was not, however, a cynical arrangement. Paoli became sincerely pro-British and had a genuine affection for his new friends, including the king, a predisposition that in the French Revolution led him into the royalist camp. The arrangement also was not a treaty of any sort, as at the time neither Paoli nor George III would have any idea of future circumstances. George would not have imagined that he would become a symbol of British tyranny or Pasquale that he would be condemned as a traitor to the very revolution for which he had just been fighting.
Naploeon, on leave from his artillery regiment, returned to the regiment at Auxonne, where he was working on a history of Corsica. Writing to Paoli he asked his opinion on some of it and for historical documents. The differences between the two men became apparent. Paoli thought the history amateurish and too impassioned and refused the documents; Napolean at this point had no idea of Paoli's regal connections in Britain or moderate, even sympathetic, sentiments about royalty.
In 1791 the National Assembly ordered elections for the officers of the Corsican National Guard, which Napoleon had created. Three lieutenant-colonelcies were available, one senior. Going on leave again Napoleon ran in Corsica and won the senior position after kidnapping one candidate to keep him out of the public eye (keep him safe, he said) and having the other one beat up. The Reign of Terror was beginning in Paris and Napoleon and the revolution were beyond democracy, certainly beyond Paoli's moderate ideas. From then on Napoleon acted arbitrarily and high-handedly without recourse to the law on behalf of the revolution and against royalism. He found himself having to arrest officers in the French army far senior to himself. Nominally Napoleon's employer, Paoli kept his own counsel and surrounded himself with his own associates, the "Paolists."
He had however also sent Napoleon Bonaparte as a colonel in command of two companies of Corsican guard (unofficially reinforced by 6000 revolutionaries from Marseille), which participated in the assault on Maddalena Island in February, 1793. It failed because the commander, Pietro Paolo Colonna-Cesari, failed to take appropriate military action, because the island had been reinforced just prior to the attack, and because the defenders seemed to know exactly where and when the revolutionaries were going to strike.
Napoleon perceived the situation during the first confrontation with his commander and assumed de facto command but the attack failed and he barely escaped. Enraged, after having been a strong supporter and admirer of Paoli, he and the entire Bonaparte family denounced Paoli as a traitor before the French National Convention and aggravated the grievance by at first pretending to take Paoli's side. Thanks to Napoleon arrest warrants were issued and sent to Corsica along with a force intended to take the citadels from the royalists, who had supplanted the Genovese after the sale of Corsica. Combining together the Paolists and royalists defeated Napoleon and drove him from the island in fear of his life.
Paoli then summoned a consulta (assembly) at Corte in 1793, with himself as president and formally seceded from France. He requested the protection of the British government, then at war with revolutionary France. In 1794 British sent a fleet under Admiral Samuel Hood. This fleet had just been ejected from the French port of Toulon by a revolutionary army following the plan of Napoleon Bonaparte, for which he was promoted to Brigadier General. The royalists at Toulon also had requested British protection. Napoleon was now dispatched to deal with Italy as commander of the French forces there.
For a short time, Corsica was a protectorate of King George III, chiefly by the exertions of Hood's fleet, and Paoli's cooperation. This period has become known as the "Anglo-Corsican Kingdom" because George III was accepted as sovereign head of state, but this was not an incorporation of Corsica into the British Empire. The relationship between Paoli's government and the British was never clearly defined, resulting in numerous questions of authority. At last the crown invited Paoli to resign and return to exile in Britain with a pension, which having no other options now he did. Not long after the French reconquered the island and all questions of Corsican sovereignty came to an end until the 20th century.
Paoli set sail for England in October 1795, where he lived out his final years. Pascale Paoli died on February 5, 1807 and was buried in St. Pancras churchyard. A bust was placed in Westminster Abbey. In 1889 his bones were brought to Corsica in a British frigate and interred at the family home under a memorial in the Italian language.
Pasquale never married and as far as is known had no heirs. Information about his intimate life is mainly lacking; however, it is believed he had an affair with Maria Cosway. However, Robert Harvey claims he was homosexual, when discussing how Carlo Buonaparte became Paoli's personal secretary.
There is no question, however, that Paoli was sympathetic to Italian culture and regarded his own native language as an Italian dialect. It is not, but is a closely related Romance language; nevertheless, Paoli espoused the idea that it is. There is no evidence that he advocated the political unity of all Italians on formerly Roman soil, as did the irredentists and he certainly did not advocate union with Italy, as there was no Italy as it is known today. The modern state had to wait for historic Italian nationalism to run its course. His Italian cultural sympathies however have offered some ground for philosophic irredentism claiming him. He was considered by Niccolò Tommaseo, who collected his Lettere (Letters), as one of the precursors of the Italian irredentism, a view which is debatable.
The "Babbu di a Patria" (father of Corsica), as was nicknamed Pasquale Paoli by the Corsican Italians, wrote in his Letters the following appeal in 1768 against the French invaders:
We (Corsicans) are Italians because of birth and feelings, but first of all we feel Italians because of language, roots, traditions and all the Italians are all brothers for History and for God....As Corsicans we do not want to be slaves nor "rebels" and as Italians we have the right to be treated like all the other Italian brothers.... Or we 'll be free or we'll be nothing...Or we'll win or we'll die (against the French) with the arms in our hands...The war against France is holy and right as holy and right is the name of God, and here on our mountains will appear for all Italy the sun of liberty....
("Siamo còrsi per nascita e sentimento ma prima di tutto ci sentiamo italiani per lingua, origini, costumi, tradizioni e gli italiani sono tutti fratelli e solidali di fronte alla storia e di fronte a Dio… Come còrsi non vogliamo essere né schiavi né "ribelli" e come italiani abbiamo il diritto di trattare da pari con gli altri fratelli d’Italia… O saremo liberi o non saremo niente… O vinceremo con l’onore o soccomberemo (contro i francesi) con le armi in mano... La guerra con la Francia è giusta e santa come santo e giusto è il nome di Dio, e qui sui nostri monti spunterà per l’Italia il sole della libertà…")
Pasquale Paoli wanted the Italian language to be the official language of his Corsican Republic. His Corsican Constitution of 1755 was in Italian and the short-lived university he founded in the city of Corte in 1765 used Italian.