City (pop., 2003 est.: 654,574), capital of Qinghai province, western China. Located in a valley of the Huang River, on what was traditionally the main trade route from northern China into Tibet, the region was a frontier county under the Han dynasty and again under the Sui and Tang. In 763 it was taken by Tibetans and called Qingtangcheng. It was recovered by the Song dynasty in 1104 and renamed Xining (meaning “Peace in the West”). It became an important religious centre under the Tibetans, and Qinghai's largest lamasery was nearby. It was named provincial capital when Qinghai became an independent province in 1928. Its industries include leather processing plants and steelworks.
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After finishing his schooling, he first tended towards the legal profession, but then studied Philosophy, History, German and Political Science at Strasbourg, the London School of Economics and Bonn, where he achieved his doctorate in national economy. One of his professors at Strasbourg, who had a major influence on Brüning was the historian Friedrich Meinecke.
A volunteer in World War I, he served, from 1915 - 1918, as a machine gunner, receiving rank as an officer and earning an Iron Cross.
He did not approve of the 1918 German revolution, which saw the establishment of the Weimar government, and in its aftermath he decided not to pursue his academic career further, but preferred helping those that had fallen into trouble. He collaborated with the social reformer Carl Sonnenschein and worked in the "Secretariat for social student work", helping demobilised soldiers to study and work. After six months he entered the Prussian welfare department and became a close associate of the minister Adam Stegerwald. Stegerwald, also leader of the Christian trade unions, made him chief executive of the unions in 1920, a post Brüning retained until 1930. In 1923 he was actively involved in organizing the passive resistance in the "Ruhrkampf". As the editor of the union newspaper Der Deutsche (The German), he advocated a "social popular state" and "Christian democracy," based on the ideas of Catholic Corporatism.
He had also joined the Centre Party and in 1924 he was elected to the Reichstag, representing Breslau. In parliament, Brüning quickly made a name for himself as financial expert and managed to push though the "lex Brüning", which restricted the wage tax. He always insisted on a disciplined, thrifty approach towards money, criticizing both an increase of civil service salaries and the luxury of profiteers. Recognized for his expertise, this personal reserve and calmness hampered dealing with him on personal level. From 1928 to 1930 he was also a member of the Prussian parliament and in 1929 he was elected chairman of the Centre Party's fraction in the Reichstag.
Hindenburg desired to base the government on the parties of the right but the right-wing German National People's Party (DNVP) refused to support Brüning's government. To the President's dismay, Brüning therefore had to rely on his own Centre Party, the only party that fully supported him, and the toleration of the Social Democrats.
Brüning's measures were implemented in the summer by presidential decree and made him extremely unpopular among the lower and middle classes. As unemployment continued to rise, his cuts in welfare and reductions of wages combined with rising prices and taxes, increased misery among jobless and workers. This gave rise to the quote: "Brüning verordnet Not!" (Brüning decrees need), alluding to his measures being implemented by "Notverordnung".
These effects undermined the support of the Social Democrats for the government and the liberal and conservative cabinet members favoured opening the government to the right. President Hindenburg, pushed by his camarilla and military chief Kurt von Schleicher, also advocated such a move and insisted on a cabinet reshuffle and especially the resignation of ministers Wirth and Guérard, both from the Centre.
The President's wishes also hampered the government's resolution in combating the extremist parties and their respective paramilitary organisations. Chancellor and President agreed, that the National Socialists's brutality, intolerance and demagogy rendered them unfit for government. Brüning believed the government was strong enough to steer Germany through the crisis without the support of the Nazis, but on behalf of the President, he nonetheless negotiated with Hitler about toleration or a formal coalition, without however yielding to the Nazis any position of power or the full support by presidential decree. Because of these reservations, the negotiations came to nothing and as street violence rose to new heights in April 1932, Brüning had both the communist "Rotfrontkämpferbund" and the Nazi Sturmabteilung banned. The unfavourable reactions of the right-wing circles to that move further undermined Hindenburg's support for Brüning.
At that time, Brüning was viciously attacked by the Prussian Junkers, led by Oldenburg-Januschau. They opposed his policies of distributing land to unemployed workers and denounced him as an "Agro-bolshevik" to Hindenburg.
The President asked Brüning to make way by stepping down as Chancellor while remaining foreign minister. Brüning refused to serve as a figure-head for such a right-wing government and announced his cabinet's resignation on May 30, 1932, "hundred metres before the finish", as he called it. He however sternly rejected all suggestions to make the President's disloyal behaviour public, both because he considered such a move indecent and because he still considered Hindenburg the "last bulwark" of the German people.
After Adolf Hitler had become Chancellor on January 30, 1933, Brüning vigorously campaigned against the new government in the March elections. Later that month, he was the main advocate for rejecting the Hitler administrations's Enabling Act, calling it the "most monstrous resolution ever demanded of a parliament." He nonetheless yielded to party discipline and voted in favour of the bill. After Centre Party's chairman Ludwig Kaas was held up in Rome and resigned from the post, Brüning was elected chairman on May 6. Brüning however could only preside over the party yielding to increasing persecution by the National Socialist-controlled government by dissolving itself on July 6.
In 1947 he returned to Germany and taught at the university of Cologne. He was a critic of Adenauer's policy of Western integration and as he saw no prospect of continuing his political career, he returned to the United States. In 1968 he published the tome "Speeches and essays".
Brüning died in 1970 in Norwich, Vermont, and was buried in his home town Münster.
Posthumously, his "Memoirs 1918 - 1934" were published, a source not undisputed among historians.
Brüning remains a figure of controversy, since it is debated whether he was the "last bulwark of the Republic" or the "Republic's undertaker". His intentions certainly were to protect the Republican government, but his policies also contributed to the gradual demise of the Weimar Republic from 1930 to 1933. Comparing some current leaders to Brüning remains a sure way to create a highly emotional response in German political discussions.
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