From 1652 to 1835, settlers primarily from the Netherlands, and migrant and refugee Calvinist Protestants from Germany, France, Scotland, and elsewhere in Europe, combined in South Africa to form a distinct people, called the Afrikaners. A significant number of the French progenitors of the Afrikaner people were Huguenots, who first began to arrive between 1687 and 1691 in flight from the persecution that lasted for one hundred years after the Edict of Nantes was revoked. Between the end of the 18th century and the end of the 20th century, these people increasingly considered themselves Afrikaner rather than European. They spoke their own, indigenous language, called Afrikaans, and were bound together by a form of Calvinist religion. The Afrikaners negotiated a home-rule arrangement in the four British Colonies 10 years after the Anglo-Boer war and firmly established themselves as the ruling minority in South Africa until international pressure and increasing chaos within South Africa compelled them to dismantle their policies of exclusive control, called Apartheid.
A closely related form Calvinism of the Boere-Afrikaners of the Transvaal in South Africa developed in a different way from its European, American and Afrikaner counterparts, as a result of the Great Trek. This uniqueness is theoretically a direct result of geographical isolation and political and cultural estrangement, which shut out the influences of the Enlightenment. The cross-currents of change which arose within the Protestant cultures of Europe in response to the Enlightenment had minimal effect upon the development of religious thought among the Boers.
Afrikaner Calvinism and Boer Calvinism influenced each other greatly in the 20th century and a form of nationalistic Calvinism arose, which had direct bearing upon the establishment of the Apartheid policy in 1948.
Yet, many of the settlers had arrived with a missionary motive. The synthesis of these attitudes of strict avoidance and a missionary conscience resulted in the widespread practice of indenturing the native Khoisan population, and within that master/servant relationship, to teach the Bible to them in hope that the message would filter back through the servant's family (along with reports of the superiority of European life) and thus bring about conversion.
The farmers who lived outside of the physical walls of the towns had a different arrangement than the townspeople. To them, occupation meant ownership, and ownership implied the right to protect their property. As they settled into the seemingly unoccupied territories surrounding the Cape, they enforced these assumptions of ownership and its rights when the wandering hunters or herding tribes would cross the Fish River into farm territories in search of grazing land or game. Thus, the farms represented an extension beyond the towns of the wall of separation between the white and the black occupants of the land. As in the towns, plantation slavery was sometimes seen as a means of evangelism.
Separation and rules of exchange were opposed very early in the Afrikaner mind to invasion and conquest. And, this anti-imperialism extended also to the theory of missionary obligation that developed within the Dutch Reformed Church: the kingdom of God will grow within the sphere of influence assigned to the church by divine providence, as children are taught the Gospel by their parents and family. If God deems it fitting for the Gospel to be received by the natives, and taught to their children, then this is his glory. Toward that end, Christians have a defining role given them from God, a calling, or covenantal responsibility as God's people, to keep themselves pure in the faith and just in their dealings with the heathen, and to be absolutely unyielding in their protection of what has been legitimately claimed in the name of the Triune God.
A more antithetical message could hardly be imagined, as the English Enlightenment forced itself upon the Afrikaners. From the Boer point of view, the Enlightenment invaded their shores, seized their properties, annexed their farms, imposed alien laws, liberated their slaves without compensation, justified these actions by appeal to Reason alone, and claimed in all of this to be more virtuous than God. They were exposed to the Enlightenment, and it appeared to them to be a revolution against God.
Meanwhile, back in the Netherlands, the Dutch church had been transformed by the Enlightenment, a change represented in the minds of those opposed it, by the loss of any meaningful profession of faith as requisite for adult church members, and the singing of hymns (in addition to psalms) and other innovations in worship and doctrine. In the Netherlands a movement grew in reaction to this perceived dismantlement of Biblical faith. It was called the Doleantie (grieving), a movement that led to schism in the Dutch Reformed Church, and the formation of the Christian Reformed Church in the Netherlands. The writings of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer, and the leader of the Doleantie, Abraham Kuyper, began to become known to the Afrikaners. Highly critical of the Enlightenment, the "revolution" as they called it, the Doleantie in the church had counterparts in education and in politics. The timing of this influence was significant, coming on the crest of a wave of evangelical revival, the Reveil (Awakening) in the Dutch Reformed Church which had been led in South Africa by the Scottish preacher, Andrew Murray. The slogan of the Doleantie, which eventually rang with unintended nationalist nuance for the Afrikaners was, "Separation is Strength".
The originally contemptuous name, Dopper, may come from the Dutch domp (wick-snuffers) for their opposition to candles and other innovations in worship, perhaps representing their contempt for the Enlightenment; or, Dopper may originate from Dutch dop (and thus drinkers), perhaps on account of their strong opposition to small, individual communion cups.
The separatism of the Doppers, expressed in the severity of their doctrine, the austere puritanism of their worship, and even in their distinctive dress and speech, set them in stark contrast to European influence. Nevertheless, the Doppers were symbolic of resistance to all things English in South Africa, and despite their small size and distinctiveness they were culturally sophisticated and disproportionately influential during and after the Great Trek. It was the Dopper church that established Potchefstroom University. It was from this sect that Paul Kruger arose.
The new Boer states which arose after the Great Trek needed a comprehensive philosophy upon which to organize a genuinely Boer society. Voortrekker 'Uncle' Paul Kruger, first president of the South African Republic upon its reacquired independence after the brief British annexation, adopted the Doleantie in its political form, and formulated the Boer cultural mandate based on the Boere-Afrikaner Calvinist conviction that the South Africans had a special calling from God, not unlike the people of Israel in the Bible. The Doppers waged an intellectual war against outlander culture which was flooding into South Africa through the mass settlements of foreign squatters lured by gold and diamonds, accompanied by British armies. To the Afrikaner mind, the British represented imperialism, viciousness, outlander oppression, covetousness, envy, and unbelief. When the Anglo-Boer wars broke out, Paul Kruger's idealized version of Afrikaner history forged the Afrikaners into a united and formidable force. The Afrikaner's Boer War experience, including the death of 28 000 civilians and the destruction of homesteads, reinforced their laager mentality, so as to preserve themselves and their way of life against the British melting pot.
However some who had been members of the organization before 1927 preferred the philosophy of Fichte, and other versions of European Nationalism. A Fascist, social Darwinist agenda in sympathy with Hitler arose among some whites in South Africa during the Second World War, which became an unwelcome ally in support of these policies. The Calvinist party within the Broederbond tried to distance itself from this movement, with very limited success because of the secrecy of the organization, their later confessed complete misunderstanding of the real ambitions of non-Afrikaners and blindness to the agony of 'Coloureds' and 'Blacks' under apartheid, and the extreme unpopularity of the apartheid policies in the eyes of non-Afrikaners. The anti-Calvinist nationalists, led by H.F. Verwoerd, overcame the Calvinists in 1950 and used the Broederbond to advance his own political ambitions. International pressures mounted, increasingly isolating the Afrikaners and identifying their policies with the worst kind of godless oppression; but this was a long time in producing a crisis of conscience — or at least, it did not for some time produce sufficient energy to dismantle the complex social system that had been founded upon apartheid.
After the Sharpeville massacre in 1960, under enormous international pressure, the Broederbond began a slow and quiet re-examination of their policy proposals. And yet no significant changes took place to reform the apartheid system until the Soweto riots in 1976. Some time after this, the Broederbond declared apartheid an irreformable failure and began work to dismantle it. The conviction had finally become established, although not universally that, if the Afrikaner people, language and religion were to survive, they must take the initiative to emerge from the laager, and invite South Africa in. The Broederbond (dropping the policy of secrecy and with the new name Afrikanerbond) began proposing initiatives for land reform and the reversal of apartheid.
Although Afrikaner and Boer Calvinism was united during much of the 20th century, recently it has become increasingly clear that these are two separate forms of Calvinism.