He entered in politics in 1958, becoming a prominent figure in the new radical Chadian National Union (UNT), mainly a split from the African Socialist Movement (MSA) by promoters of the No-vote in the referendum on Chad's entry in the French Community. The party's followers were all Muslims, and advocated Pan-Africanism and socialism. Towards the end of the colonial rule Abatcha was jailed for a year either for his political activities or for mismanadgement in the expletion of his duties.
He and his party staunchly opposed after independence in 1960 the rule of President François Tombalbaye, and the UNT was banned with all other opposition parties on January 19, 1962. After that Abatcha was briefly imprisoned by the new Chadian government.
Abatcha led the typical life of the Third World dissident in search of support in foreign capitals, first finishing in Accra, Ghana, where he received his first military training and made friends among members of the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon that had found asylum there. These Cameroonians helped him being present at conferences organized by international communist groups.
After having left Accra in 1965, Abatcha started wandering to other African capitals always searching support for his project of beginning an insurgency against Tombalbaye. The first capital he reached was in 1965 Algiers, where the UNT had already a representative, probably Djalabo. His attempts were unsuccessful, as were those made frome there to persuade the Chadian students in France to join him in his fight. From there he moved to Cairo, where a small secret committee of anti-government Chadian students of the Al-Azhar University: the students there had developed a strong political sensitivity because they had come to resent that the degrees obtained by them in Arab countries were of no use in Chad, as French was the only official language. Among these Abatcha recruited his first supporters, and with the help of the UPC Cameroonian exiles contacted the North Korean embassy in Egypt, which offered him a military stage. Seven Cairo students volunteered, leaving Egypt in June 1965 and returning in October; these were to be with Abatcha the first military cadres of the rebels. Abatcha with his "Koreans" moved then to Sudan in October 1965.
Once in Sudan Abatcha found a rich ground for further recruitment, as many Chadian refugees lived there. Abatcha was also able to obtain to enroll in his movement former Sudanese soldiers, including a few officers, of whom the most distinguished was to become Hadjaro Senoussi. He also took contact with Mohamed Baghlani, who was in communication with the first Chadian insurgents already active, and with the insurgent group Liberation Front of Chad (FLT).
The unity was stronger on the field, with Abatcha and his so-called Koreans passing to Eastern Chad in mid-1966 to fight the government, and El Hadj Issaka assuming the role of his chief-of-staff. While his maquis were badly trained and equipped, they were able to commit some hit-and-run attacks against the Chadian army, mainly in Ouaddai, but also in Guera and Salamat. The rebels also toured the villages, indoctrinating the people on the future revolution and exhorting youths to join the FROLINAT forces.
The following year Abatcha expanded his range and number of operations, officially claiming in his dispatches 32 actions, involving prefectures yet untouched by the rebellion, that is Moyen-Chari and Kanem. Mainly due to Abatcha's qualites as both secretary-general and field-commander, what had started in 1965 as a peasant uprising was becoming a revolutionary movement.
On January 20 1968 his men killed on the Goz Beida-Abéché road a Spanish veterinary and a French doctor, while they took hostage a French nurse. Abatcha disavowed this action and ordered to free the nurse, but precisely in these circumstances, on February 11, he was tracked down by the Chadian army and killed in a clash.
Abatcha's death was the end of an important phase in the history of the FROLINAT and more generally of the rebellion. Abatcha had been the one generally acceptable leader of the insurrection; after him the FROLINAT will be more and more divided by inner rivalries, making it hardly possible to provide the insurgents with a coherent organization.