After the founding of Czechoslovakia in late-1918, he joined the autonomist Slovak People Party. As a radical constitutional lawyer and chief of separatist Rodobrana he was alleged to be a secret agent of the Hungarian government and the secret coordinator of Hungarian irredentism in Czechoslovakia attempting to revive the pre-war Kingdom of Hungary (see Greater Hungary (political concept)), which included Slovakia. Czechoslovak nationalists (believers of really never existing Czechoslovak nation) alleged him, that since Hungarian aim also required the dissolution of the country of Czechoslovakia, he cooperated with adherents of Slovak autonomy or independence. He saw the struggle for Slovakia's autonomy as an intermediate stage on the way to his final goal — a restored Greater Hungary.
Czechoslovakists (above mentioned czechoslovak nationalists) stated that in accordance with his aims, he accepted Andrej Hlinka's offer to enter the Slovak People's Party (in order to destabilize Czechoslovakia through radical Slovak nationalism). He served as the secretary of the Hlinka’s Slovak People's Party (HSĽS), a party whose radical wing called for an independent Slovak state, and edited the party's periodical, "Slovák" (The Slovak). The HSĽS pointed out that the 1920 Constitution had not included that provision for Slovak autonomy alluded to in the Pittsburgh Declaration. Acting on this, the HSĽS introduced a Slovak autonomy bill into the Czechoslovak parliament in 1922. The bill was rejected but the HSĽS had established that autonomy was the core of its program, especially significant since public opinion in Slovakia was drifting towards the decentralists. These growing sentiments would later enable Tuka's rise to power. Really Tuka had contacts with Slovak emigrees in Hungary, which was radical nationalists and have no real support from government, but only from legitimists circles around prince primate Csernoch, and antisemite ethnic Slovak bishops Prohaszka, Zadravecz, Czapik and others.
Tuka was a deputy to the Czechoslovak parliament from 1925 to 1929.
According to czechoslovakist communist historian Kamenec, post-World War II documents retrieved from Hungary however showed that he was in the service of the Hungarian Irredent, but Kamenec also stated, that documents do not excluding version of Tuka supporters that Tuka gained support for independence of Slovakia from wide Europe countries, namely from Austria, Poland, Hungary, Italy, Germany, France (conservative catholic circles) and Soviet union (as enemy of Versailles system).
On March 9, 1939, Czech troops moved into Slovakia (The Homolov Putsch) in reaction to radical calls for independence from Slovak patriots, including Tuka, who had recently released from prison. On March 13, Hitler took advantage of this situation, prompted Jozef Tiso (Slovak ex-prime minister deposed by the Czech troops) to declare Slovak independence, but Tiso refused, and Slovak independence was declare on March 14th by the Act of Slovak Assembly, which was convocate by czecho-Slovak president Hacha. The remaining Czechoslovakia was incorporated into the Reich as a protectorate (Czech politicians stated that Protectorate is not a part of Reich, but only a protected state, but Alexius Moser, Slovak anti-Nazi German minority activist clarify in "Slovak" daily that protectorate is part of German Reich, but Slovakia as the protected state not. Constitutional character of Protectorate was not even clarify vis-a-vis German-Czech relation during its all existence).
Tiso was elected October 26th 1939 as president and immediately appointed Tuka Prime Minister. Tuka in 1942 strongly advocated the deportation of Slovakia’s Jewish population to the east Nazi concentration camps. His anti-Semitic and radical policies put Prime Minister Tuka in stark conflict with the moderate President Tiso. Together with Internal Affairs Minister Alexander Mach, Tuka became the leader of the radical and pro-Nazi wing within the Slovak People's Party. This wing — enjoying little support among Slovaks — relied on the Hlinka Guard, i.e. the Rodobrana revived by Tuka when released from jail in 1938. He was also the vice-chairman of the Slovak People's Party.
The conflict between the moderate Tiso-wing and the radicals resulted in the Salzburg Compromise, concluded between Slovakia and the Reich on July 28, 1940, as a result of which Tuka and other , radical political leaders increased their powers at the expense of Tiso and other moderates. The compromise called for dual command by the Slovak People’s Party and the Hlinka Guard (HSĽS). The Reich appointed storm trooper leader Manfred von Killinger as the German representative in Slovakia. While Tiso successfully restructured the Slovak People’s Party in harmony with Christian corporative principles, Tuka and Mach radicalized Slovak policy toward the Jews.
With the shift in power to Tuka and the anti-Semites, Jews were banned from living in streets named after Hitler. In September 1941, the Jewish Code required that Jews wear the yellow star, annulled all debts owed to Jews, confiscated Jewish property, and expelled Jews from Bratislava, the Slovak capital. Twenty thousand Jews were to be deported under the German resettlement scheme, for which the Slovak government was to pay five hundred Reichsmark per deportee. The deported Slovak Jews were later to build the first gas chamber at Auschwitz.
In July 1942, however, Tuka summoned Dieter Wisliceny, an adviser on Jewish affairs, and asked for an explanation regarding the fate of the Jewish families sent to Poland. He was particularly concerned about those who had converted to Christianity, and requested permission for a Slovak commission to travel to the areas occupied by the Jews in order to ascertain their well-being. This outburst of concern on Tuka’s behalf had largely been caused by the diplomatic activities of the Papal Nuncio, Monsignore Giuseppe Bursio.
Tuka, despite allegations of his hungarism, strong opposed to the magyarization policy (ethnocide of minorities in Hungary) and led great diplomatic campaign for assecure of Slovak minority status in Hungary, and regaining of Slovak territories, when he counted also Subcarpathian area. In this policy he obtain strong support of Party of Slovak national unity in Hungary, and his emissaries was in touch with great network of underground activities in Hungary, also with partly catholic and Slovak Lutheran church support. He formed alliance between Slovakia, Romania and Croatia and Horthy's Hungary denunciate him in Berlin as pan-slav influenced, and anti-Hungarian. In the other hand, revival of Slovak minority in Hungary was suppressed in 1944 by Sztojay government. Tuka intelligence network was outstanding from Slovak and Hungarian policy due to illness of its leader. Infiltrators of Tuka in Hungarian policy (legitimists, pro-minority, in private Slovak parliament members from right wing scene as Belo Jurcsek, O. Andrejka, L. Budinszky and others search since 1944 ways out, or/and ways how in "free alliance" re-unite Slovakia, Hungary, and Croatia as the anti-communist state-union, with prevailing catholic influence. Orientation of this circles to the Tuka and Slovakia as first land of "St.Stephen Crown" for restoration of legitimate Habsburg king decline with the downfall of Tuka influence also in the radicals. Despite it, legitimists interim government in Hungary was widely disputed in US administration in this time. Also Slovak national unity party reaffiliated to the Tiso direction in 1943-1944.
In 1997, after two years of lobbying, Slovak Jewish leaders persuaded the Slovak cabinet to return property belonging to Slovak victims of the Holocaust. Swiss banks released a list of dormant account holders which contained the name of Vojtech Tuka. Slovak Jewish leaders, however, said they're not interested in Tuka's money. "Although Slovak Jews had to deposit their gold and money at the National Bank of Slovakia [during the war], they surely didn't deposit it in Tuka's account," said František Alexander, the executive chairman of Slovakia's Central Association of Jewish Religious Communities. Alexander added that the allocation of money from Tuka's account should be decided by an international council of justice, established by Swiss banks.
Although refusing to deal with Tuka's money, Jewish leaders offered a "solution" of how it could be spent. "Since Tuka was co-responsible for the fact that Slovak soldiers initially stood on the wrong side [Slovak fascists who joined the Axis in fighting the Soviet Army on the Eastern Front] and, consequently, many of them died in vain, the money could be used to upkeep their graves," he said.
According to the Slovak emigrees, Tuka dormant account is not related to the jewish property, but it is account based as financial reserve for foreign actions of Rodobrana, anti-czechoslovak, and later anti-hungarian shadow diplomacy, and namely for needs of planned emigrate government.