Bahá'ís as well as the United Nations, Amnesty International, the European Union, the United States and peer-reviewed academic literature have stated that the members of the Bahá'í community in Iran have been subjected to unwarranted arrests, false imprisonment, beatings, torture, unjustified executions, confiscation and destruction of property owned by individuals and the Bahá'í community, denial of employment, denial of government benefits, denial of civil rights and liberties, and denial of access to higher education.
Bahá'u'lláh, a Bábí who claimed to be the one foretold by the Báb, claimed a similar station for himself in 1863 as a Manifestation of God and as the promised figure foretold in the sacred scriptures of the major religious traditions of the past and founded what later came to be known as the Bahá'í Faith.
Concerning the historical context of the persecutions, Friedrich W. Affolter in "War Crimes, Genocide, & Crimes against Humanity" writes:
Bahá’u’lláh’s writings deal with a variety of themes that challenge long-cherished doctrines of Shí‘i‐Islam. In addition to making the ‘heretic’[sic] claim of being a ‘Manifestation of God,’ he suggested that school curricula should include ‘Western Sciences,’ that the nation states (Muslim and non-Muslim) should establish a world federal government, and that men and women were equal. Bahá’u’lláh also wrote that in this time and age, priests were no longer necessary for religious guidance. Humanity, he argued, had reached an age of maturity where it was incumbent upon every individual to search for God and truth independently.
These principles did not only call into question the need for a priesthood, but also the entire Shí‘i ecclesiastical structure and the vast system of endowments, benefices and fees that sustained it. No surprise then that in the following decades until the overthrow of the Qájár dynasty in 1925, it was the mullas who instigated attacks against the Bahá’ís in cities or villages where the clerical establishment was particularly influential.
In addition to this the Bábí religion, the forerunner of the Bahá'í Faith had a violent history in Iran. Friedrich W. Affolter writes:
Initially, the mullas hoped to stop the Bábí movement from spreading by denouncing its followers as apostates and enemies of God. These denouncements resulted in mob attacks, public executions and torture of early Bábís. When the Bábís (in accordance with Koranic principles) organized to defend themselves, the government sent troops into a series of engagements that resulted in heavy losses on both sides. The Báb himself was imprisoned from 1846 until 1850 and eventually publicly executed. In August 1852, two deranged Bábís attempted to kill the Shah in revenge for the execution of the Báb. This resulted in an extensive pogrom during which more than 20,000 Bábís – among them 400 Shí‘i mullas who had embraced the Bábí teachings – lost their lives.
Others have stated that the Bábís originally armed themselves and prepared for a holy war that became defensive when they encountered state troops in several locations and that two to three thousand Bábís were killed.
Bahá’u’lláh took a more conciliatory position, forbidding the use of holy war to spread his faith. Instead, he attempted to engage various governments in dialog; however, the radical nature of his claim to prophethood did little to change the perception of the people of Iran. To this day, Bahá'ís are a widely persecuted minority group in Iran and other predominantly Muslim countries, since they are seen as apostates from Islam, and supporters of the West and Israel.
The Islamic Republic of Iran, that was established after the Iranian revolution, recognizes four religions, whose status is formally protected: Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Members of the first three minority religions receive special treatment under Iranian law. For example, their members are allowed to drink alcohol, and representatives of several minority communities are guaranteed seats in parliament.
However, religious freedom in Iran is far from absolute, to say the least. Conversion away from Islam (apostasy) is forbidden, with both converts and missionaries risking prison. Those seeking to start a new religious group (whether Muslim or not) face severe restrictions. In contrast to a country like the United States--whose inhabitants are essentially free to establish whatever new mosques, churches, denominations, and religions they please--none of these things is allowed in Iran.
The Bahá'í Faith faces an additional, technical hurdle. Iranian law recognizes all those who accept the existence of God and the prophethood of Muhammad as Muslims. Bahá'ís accept both of these precepts, however Bahá'ís recognize the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh as additional messengers that have appeared after Muhammad. Muslims, on the other hand, assert the finality of Muhammad's revelation. Iranian law therefore treats Bahá'ís as "heretics" rather than members of an independent religion, as they describe themselves.
Other unrecognized Iranian religious minorities include the Ahl-e Haqq, the Mandaeans, Azalis and Evangelical Christians. Non-Muslims comprise less than 1% of Iran's population. See religious minorities in Iran.
During the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, due to the growing nationalism and the economic difficulties in the country, the Shah gave up control over certain religious affairs to the clergy of the country. Among other things, the power sharing resulted in a campaign of persecution against the Bahá'ís. Akhavi has suggested it is likely the government had hoped that by orchestrating a movement against the Bahá'ís it could serve to obscure the fact that revenues obtained by the distribution of oil from western oil companies was going to be too low for the growing nationalistic sentiment; it would also serve to gain the support of the clergy for their foreign policy. They approved and coordinated the anti-Bahá'í campaign to incite public passion against the Bahá'ís started in 1955 and included the spreading of anti-Bahá'í propaganda in national radio stations and official newspapers.
During the the month of Ramadan in 1955, Sheikh Mohammad Taqi Falsafi, a populist preacher, started one of the highest-profile anti-Bahá'í propaganda schemes. After receiving permission from the Shah to state anti-Bahá'í rhetoric in his sermons, he encouraged other clergy to discuss the Bahá'í issue in their sermons. These sermons caused mob violence against Bahá'ís; Bahá'í properties were destroyed, Bahá'í centres were looted, Bahá'í cemeteries desecrated, Bahá'ís were killed, some hacked to pieces, Bahá'í women were abducted and forced to marry Muslims, and Bahá'ís were expelled and dismissed from schools and employment. During the third week of the sermons the National Bahá'í Centre in Tehran was occupied by the military and its dome later destroyed. The Minister of the Interior, Amir Asadollah Alam, wrote in his memoirs:
While the government tried to stop the sermons, Falsafi did not stop his sermons until the end of Ramadan. Throughout the 1950s the clergy continued to initiate the repression of the Bahá'í community; however, their efforts were checked by government ministers who, while they were sympathetic to the anti-Bahá'í sentiment, feared that the violence would get out of control and cause international criticism.
Also during the 1950s, the fundamentalist Islamic organization named Hojjatiyeh, whose central aim was to combat the Bahá'í Faith, was founded. Members of the group entered Bahá'í communities, and many of the Bahá'í arrests, imprisonments and executions are often attributed to Hojjatiyeh members having access to Bahá'í registration books. Also during the Pahlevi era, the Hojjatiyeh seem to have cooperated with SAVAK, the Iranian government's intelligence agency who had gathered information about the religious affiliation of Iranian citizens, to attack the Bahá'ís.
Eliz Sanasarian states that while many Iranians blamed the Bahá'í persecution on Hojjatiyeh, who was the most visible anti-Bahá'í force, that the silent Iranian majority "cannot avoid personal and communal responsibility for the persecutions of the Bahá'í in this extreme manner. To provide tacit support, to remain silent, ... do not excuse the majority for the actions based on prejudice and hate against an Iranian religious minority group."
In the late 1970s the Shah's regime, due to criticism that he was pro-Western, consistently lost legitimacy. As the anti-Shah movement gained ground and support, revolutionary propaganda was spread that some of the Shah's advisors were Bahá'ís. Bahá'ís were portrayed as economic threats, supporters of Israel and the West and popular hatred for the Bahá'ís increased.
The Islamic Republic has often stated that arrested Baha'is are being detained for "security issues" and are members of "an organized establishment linked to foreigners, the Zionists in particular," but according to Bani Dugal, the principal representative of the Baha'i International Community to the United Nations, "the best proof" that Bahais are being persecuted for their faith, not for anti-Iranian activity "is the fact that, time and again, Baha'is have been offered their freedom if they recant their Baha'i beliefs and convert to Islam ..."
The new government's spokesman in the United States told that while religious minorities would retain their religious rights emphasized that the Bahá'ís would not receive the same treatment, since they believed that the Bahá'ís were a political rather than religious movement. Bazargan, the provisional prime-minister, while being emphatic that all Iranians would enjoy the same rights, insisted that the Bahá'ís were a political movement and would not be tolerated.
During the drafting of the new constitution the wording intentionally excluded the Bahá'ís from protection as a religious community. Referring to the recordings of the proceedings of the official transcripts of the constitution drafting process, Sanasarian states that anti-Bahá'í thought was obvious as there was haggling "over every word and expression of certain articles to assure the exclusion of the Bahá'ís." The final version of the constitution explicitly withholding recognition from the Bahá'ís by stating in Article 13 that the "Zoroastrian, Jewish and Christian Iranians are the only recognized religious minorities..." Responding to international criticism due to the exclusion of the Bahá'ís, spokesmen for the government stated, as before, that the Bahá'ís were a "misguided group... whose affiliation and assocaition with world Zionism is a clear fact and that "Bahá'ísm is not a religion, but a political doctrine.
Starting in late 1979 the new government of the Islamic Republic of Iran systematically targeted the leadership of the Bahá'í community by focusing on the Bahá'í National Spiritual Assembly (NSA) and Local Spiritual Assemblies (LSA). In November 1979, Ali Murad Davudi, the secretary of the NSA, was kidnapped and never seen again. In August 1980 all nine members of the National Spiritual Assembly were arrested while meeting at a private home. In a statement on September 10, 1980, then speaker of the House Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, stated that an order for the arrests of the Bahá'ís had been issued, but by October 9, 1980 Rafsanjani changed his statement and said that no members of the NSA were arrested. There has been no further news regarding the nine NSA members since their arrest in 1980, and their fate remains unknown, although there are reports that they were at some point held in Evin prison; they are now presumed dead. After the disappearance of the NSA members, the Iranian Bahá'í elected a new NSA. On December 13, 1981 eight of the nine new NSA members were arrested by the Iranian authorities, and were executed on December 27, 1981 without trial.
In addition to the execution of the members of two National Spiritual Assemblies, the members of Local Spiritual Assemblies throughout the country were also killed. Between April 1979 and December 1980 at least eight prominent Tehran Bahá'ís were killed. In September 1980 in Yazd, fifteen Bahá'ís were arrested, and after a graphic trial that was partially televised, seven of the Bahá'ís were executed; the remaining eight were released after four months. In Tabriz in 1979 two prominent Bahá'ís were executed and then in 1981 all nine members of the Tabriz LSA were executed. In Hamadan seven members of the LSA of Hamaden were executed by firing squad, and while the bodies were being prepared for the funeral it was found that six of the men were physically tortured before their death. In Shiraz between 1978 and 1981, the House of the Báb, a Bahá'í holy place, was destroyed, five prominent Bahá'ís were executed, and more than 85 Bahá'ís were arrested for interrogations; then in 1983 sixteen more Bahá'ís were executed.
On August 29, 1983 the government announced a legal ban on all administrative and community activities of the Bahá'í community, which required the dissolution of the third National Spiritual Assembly and about 400 Local Spiritual Assemblies. The Bahá'í community complied with the ban, but the former members of the LSAs were routinely harassed, and seven members of the third NSA were eventually arrested and executed.
The existence of this so called Golpaygani Memorandum was brought to the attention of the public in a report by the then UN Human Rights Commissioner Mr Galindo Pohl (E/CM4/1993/41, 28 January 1993), and the policy recommendations of the document are still in force.
In 2004, Iranian authorities demolished the shrine and grave site of Muhammad-Ali Barfurushi (Quddús), a Bábí leader. In late 2005, an anti-Bahá'í media campaign was launched in Iran, asserting that the religion was created by colonialist powers to subvert Islam and to subjugate the Muslim peoples of Iran. In 2006 Iranian officials arrested 54 Bahá'ís, mostly young people, in Shiraz. In March and May 2008 the seven "senior members" who form the leadership of the Bahia community in Iran were arrested.
On the very same day, one of the 54 Bahá'ís who had been arrested earlier but who was under the age of 15 was released without having to post bail. Several other young people who had been arrested along with the Bahá'ís but who were not themselves Bahá'í were also released without posting bail.
"The arrests coincided with raids on six Bahá'í homes during which notebooks, computers, books, and other documents were confiscated," according to an article by the Bahá'í World News Service. The article further reports that since January, other than the aforementioned 54 detainees, "seven Bahá'ís have been arrested and held for periods of up to one month in Kermanshah, Isfahan, and Tehran.
On May 24, fourteen of the Bahá'ís were released, each having been required to provide deeds of property to the value of ten million tumans (approximately US$11,000). On the following day 36 Bahá'ís were released on the strength of either personal guarantees or the deposit of work licenses with the court as surety that they will appear when summoned to court.
The last three of the group of 54 Bahá'ís were released on 14 June. Although the judge originally demanded a bond equivalent to $54,000, they were released without bail on the promise that they would return for a later court appearance. No formal charges have been made against them. However, in most cases, some form of bail, such as deeds of property, were demanded before release. Currently, two Bahá'ís, arrested in Tehran and Sanandaj, remain in prison.
On January 29, 2007 Iran's judiciary sentenced the 54 Bahá'í for four years in prison for propaganda against the regime. Part of the group, 51 Bahá'ís, were given suspended one-year jail sentences conditional on their attendance of courses held by the Islamic Propaganda Organisation, which is organized by the government. Amnesty International has called for the release of the Bahá'ís stating that they are "detained solely because of their religious beliefs, or their peaceful activities teaching underprivileged children."
In the press release the Special Rapporteur states that she "is highly concerned by information she has received concerning the treatment of members of the Bahá'í community in Iran." The UN's press release summarizing Ms. Jahangir's report states:
The Special Rapporteur is apprehensive about the initiative to monitor the activities of individuals merely because they adhere to a religion that differs from the state religion. She considers that such monitoring constitutes an impermissible and unacceptable interference with the rights of members of religious minorities. She also expresses concern that the information gained as a result of such monitoring will be used as a basis for the increased persecution of, and discrimination against, members of the Bahá'í Faith, in violation of international standards.
The Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief has closely monitored the treatment of religious minorities in Iran, and has long been concerned by the systematic discrimination against members of the Bahá'í community. Since taking up the mandate in July 2004, the Special Rapporteur has intervened with the Government on a number of occasions regarding the treatment of the Bahá'í community.
The Special Rapporteur is concerned that this latest development indicates that the situation with regard to religious minorities in Iran is, in fact, deteriorating.|20px|20px|United Nations Commission on Human Rights on freedom of religion or belief|March 20, 2006
The monitoring of Bahá'ís has also been seen in other official government documents; in a letter dated 2 May, 2006 from the Trades, Production, and Technical Services Society of Kermanshah to the Iranian Union of Battery Manufacturers, it was asked of the Union to provide a list of members of "the Baha'i sect” in their membership. Furthermore, in a letter dated 19 August, 2006, Iran's Ministry of the Interior to the Department of Politics and Security in Offices of the Governors’ General throughout Iran ordered officials to step up the surveillance of Iranian Bahá'ís throughout the country. Among the information requested in a detailed questionnaire about the activities of local Bahá'ís is their financial status and social interactions.
The Anti-Defamation League has stated that the government's effort to identify and monitor Bahá'ís is similar to the what the Jews faced in the beginning of the Nazi era: they wrote the orders issued were “reminiscent of the steps taken against Jews in Europe and a dangerous step toward the institution of Nuremberg-type laws.”
The most recent Bahá’í execution apparently occurred in 1998, when the Iranian government hanged Ruhollah Rohani in Mashad on the charge of converting a woman to the faith though she herself stated that she had been a lifelong Bahá’í. Newspaper accounts describe this as the first Bahá’í execution in six years. Death sentences had also been passed against Sirus Zabhi-Moghaddam and Hedayat Kashefi-Najabadi, which have apparently not yet been carried out and Ataollah Hamid Nazrizadeh has received a ten-year prison sentence for related offences arising from the same situation.
In an effort which the New York Times called "an elaborate act of communal self-preservation," the Bahá'í community in 1987 established its own program of higher education to meet the educational needs of its young people, which evolved to become known as the Bahá'í Institute for Higher Education (BIHE), whose classes were held in private homes and had an enrollment of approximately 900 students. In 1998 (29 September - 2 October), Iranian authorities broke up the underground institution invading more than 500 Bahai homes and office buildings in at least 14 cities around Iran. Hundreds were arrested. In addition to books and computer equipment confiscated, personal possessions such as silverware and refrigerators were taken in what was described as "thieve[ry] in the name of Islam.
Iranian columnist Iqbal Latif calls Iran's denial of access to university education for Bahá'ís "[i]ntellectual cleansing of their ethnic brothers by the clergy-dominated regime."
In April 2004, Iranian authorities demolished the shrine and grave site of Muhammad-Ali Barfurushi (Quddús), a Bábí leader. The following June, the Tehran house of Mírzá `Abbás-i-Núrí (aka Mírzá Buzurg), Bahá'u'lláh's father, was destroyed. The previous such incident occurred in 1993 when a Bahá'í cemetery in Tehran was bulldozed in order to build a municipal centre.
The articles claim, in the face of all historical data, that the religion was invented and implanted by colonialist powers to subvert Islam and to subjugate the Muslim peoples of Iran. They use fake historical documents such as the memoirs of Prince Dolgorouki, a mid-nineteenth century Russian minister in Tehran, to substantiate their claims; the memoirs were however manufactured in Iran in 1937 and have long since been exposed as forgeries.
The articles also state that the Báb, one of the Bahá'í Faith's central figures, was taught simultaneously by the Jews and the Tsarist government of Russia, even though the Tsarist government was well-known to have been unfavourable towards the Jews. The Bahá'í World Centre claims that the linking of Bahá'ís with Zionism serves to provoke suspicion and hatred towards the Bahá'ís.
A summary of the Kayhan articles can be found here
In April 2005, Diane Ala'i, Bahá’í spokesperson to the United Nations in Geneva, described other forms of persecution to the UN Commission on Human Rights:
The most serious outbreak occurred in Yazd, where several Bahá’ís were assaulted in their homes and beaten, a Bahá’ís shop was set on fire and burned, and others were harassed and threatened, following a series of arrests and short-term detentions. The Bahá’í cemetery in Yazd was wantonly destroyed, with cars driven over the graves, tombstones smashed and the remains of the interred left exposed.
Ms. Ala'i also said that in March 2005, in Tehran, Iranian intelligence agents entered the homes of several Bahá’ís and spent hours ransacking their houses before carting away their possessions and taking them into custody.
Five Bahá’ís have been imprisoned just this past month. Two were finally released on bail, but family and community members have not been able to locate those in detention. Two others, who had previously been briefly detained for nothing more than distributing copies of a courteous letter to President Khatami, have now received the maximum sentence for this so-called offence.
Six more Bahá’í families recently had their homes and land confiscated, depriving them of their only means of livelihood.
The Bahá’í's New York spokesperson, Bani Dugal, clarified some of the involved in December 2005:
At least 59 Baha'is have been subject to various forms of arbitrary arrests, detention and imprisonment, and Baha'i young people have once again been denied the chance to attend college and university.
Ms. Dugal said that although the majority of those Bahá’ís who have been arrested were released, nine remained in prison as of late October .
In May 2008 Albert Lincoln, secretary-general of the Bahá'í International Community, stated that in recent months there have been cases of arson, threats, kidnappings and beatings:
"People's houses and shops are being burned or bulldozed down, they are being kidnapped and beaten. Baha'i cemeteries are being plowed up, and members of the Baha'i community who have worked for the state of Iran for decades and are now retired are being asked to pay back the pensions they have received...
Since the later part of the 20th century many third party organizations such as the United Nations, Amnesty International, the European Union, and the United States have made statements regarding the persecution of Bahá'ís asking that human rights be maintained. The United Nations and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has published reports on the persecution of the Bahá'ís since the Iranian Revolution in 1979; in every year since 1984, except for 2002, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has passed a resolution expressing concern about human rights violations against the Bahá'ís in Iran. The Special Representative on Iran, Professor Galindo Pohl, Canadian Jurist and UBC Law Professor, Maurice Copithorne, and the Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance, Professor Abdu’l Fatah Amor, have all reported on the persecutions that the Bahá'ís have faced in Iran. For example, in 1995 the commission wrote that "... the Bahá'ís, whose existence as a viable religious community in the Islamic Republic of Iran is threatened ..." and in November 2005 they wrote that "... the escalation and increased frequency of discrimination and other human rights violations against the Bahá’í[sic], including cases of arbitrary arrest and detention, the denial of freedom of religion or of publicly carrying out communal affairs, the disregard of property rights, the destruction of sites of religious importance, the suspension of social, educational and community-related activities and the denial of access to higher education, employment, pensions, adequate housing and other benefits ...".
Amnesty International has also documented the persecution of the Bahá'í community in Iran. For example in 1998 it gave statements regarding the execution of a Bahá'í prisoner: "Amnesty International unreservedly condemns the execution of Ruhullah Rouhani and fears that he was executed for the non violent expression of his beliefs. Amnesty International currently knows of seven cases of Bahá'í prisoners under the sentence of death and is calling for commutation of these and all other death sentences without delay"
The European Union in the 2004 EU Annual Report on Human Rights wrote:
There has not been discernible progress in the key areas of concern. Concern was also reiterated at the destruction of the Bahá'í holy site at Babol and the refusal of the authorities to allow the dignified re-interment of the remains it contains.
Then in a speech given at the European Parliament in October of 2005 on behalf of the European Commissioner for Education, Training, Culture and Multilingualism, Jan Figel said:
Regarding the actual situation of human rights in Iran, there is a growing cause for concern. There are other serious issues of concern which have emerged recently: ... the arrest of members of the Bahá'í Faith.
The United States Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor stated in the 2004 Report on International Religious Freedom that "The Government harasses the Bahá'í community by arresting Bahá'ís arbitrarily," that "the property rights of Bahá'ís are generally disregarded, ... the Government has confiscated large numbers of private and business properties belonging to Bahá'ís," and that "Public and private universities continue to deny admittance to Bahá'í students"
The Iranian government responds to these statements by saying that Bahá'ís are enemies of the state, were supporters of the former Shah's government and spies employed by imperialist governments of the West. The Ayatollah Khomeini, even before his return to Iran said in an interview that he believed that Bahá'ís were traitors — Zionists — and enemies of Islam.
The Iranian representative to the United Nations tried several times, albeit unsuccessfully, between 1982 and 1984 to convince the United Nations diplomatic community that the Bahá'í Faith is a politicized organization with a record of criminal activism against the Iranian government and not a legitimate religion like Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism which are protected under Iranian law; Iran has not acknowledged that the Bahá'í Faith is a religion. The United Nations responded to the Iranian government's accusations by stating that there has been no evidence of Iran's claims and that the Bahá'í community in Iran professes its allegiance to the state. The United Nations pointed to the Bahá'í teaching of obedience to the government of one's country and stated that any involvement in any subversive acts against the government would be antithetical to precepts of the Bahá'í religion. The United Nations also stated that if the Iranian government did acknowledge that the Bahá'í Faith is a religion, it would be an admission that freedom of religion does not apply to all in Iran and that it is not abiding by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenants on Human Rights to which it is a signatory. There are many Iranians who have published how and why Iranians think of Bahá'ís as outsiders. Dr. Mohammad Tavakoli, a Muslim-Iranian, who is a Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Toronto presents in Iran-Nameh, a Persian language academic journal, a study that examines the processes that led to the ghettoization and eventual "othering" of the Bahá'ís in Iran by the political and religious forces within Iranian society.
In January 2001, 18 people, mostly Bahá'ís, were arrested in the city of Sohag under the pretence of having violated Article 98(F) of the Penal Code ("insulting a heavenly religion") and other possible charges, 10 of whom were held in detention for over 10 months without being formally charged.
Similar to Iran, the Egyptian government requires that its citizens identify as either Jewish, Christian, or Muslim, leaving others to either misrepresent their faith or forego valid identity documents, passports, birth and death certificates, and marriage licenses. A May 2004 incident indicated that the Ministry of Interior has instructed officials to confiscate any identity cards belonging to Bahá'ís (see Egyptian identification card controversy.) The seriousness of such a matter is compounded by the essential nature of the identity card; it is linked to the ability to own property, attend university and have a business. On 6 April 2006, human rights activists "welcomed a landmark ruling by the Administrative Court recognising the right of Egyptian Bahais to have their religion acknowledged on official documents." However, on 3 May 2006 it was reported that "[t]he Egyptian government will appeal against a court ruling in favour of the rights of the country’s small Baha’i minority..."
Notable quotations from ministers in the Egyptian government taken from the article, include:
Religious Endowments Minister Mahmoud Hamdi Zakzouk told parliament the government would base its appeal on the opinion of the country’s leading Muslim cleric, the Sheikh of al-Azhar, that Baha’ism [sic] is not a “revealed religion” recognised by Muslims.
One member of parliament, Gamal Akl of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood, said the Baha’is were infidels who should be killed on the grounds that they had changed their religion.
“The problem with the Baha’is is they are moved by Israeli fingers. We wish the Ministry of the Interior would not yield to the cheap blackmail of this deviant group,” added another Muslim Brotherhood member, Mustafa Awadallah.
“there is an interest in them being known rather than unknown so that they do not succeed in infiltrating the ranks of society and spreading their extremist and deviant ideology.”
Egypt's Supreme Administrative Court decided on 15 May to suspend the implementation of an earlier lower court ruling that allowed Bahais to have their religion recognised on official documents.
On November 28, 2006 the Supreme Administrative Court held a hearing on the situation of the Bahá'ís. The Bahá'ís were represented by the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) who submitted a brief which outlined the legal obligations of the government under the Egyptian constitution and international human rights law to protect the rights of freedom of belief and non-discrimination. The brief also responded to the government's claims that a recognition of the Bahá'ís would contravene Islamic Shari'a which only permitted Muslim coexistence of Christians and Jews and that Bahá'ís should be treated as Apostates from Islam. Finally, the brief also responded to the government's claim that by allowing the Bahá'í Faith to be listed on official documents that public order would be violated; the brief noted that Bahá'ís had, for decades, been able to list their religious affiliation in their identification documents until the Egyptian Interior Ministry removed their choice in recent years and not accepted to insert the word 'others.'
On December 16, 2006, only after one hearing, the Supreme Administrative Council of Egypt ruled against the Bahá'ís and stated that the government may not recognize the Bahá'í Faith in official identification numbers.
The ruling leaves Bahá'ís unable to obtain the necessary government documents to have rights in their country; they cannot obtain ID cards, birth certificates, death certificates, marriage or divorce certificates, passports; they also cannot be employed, educated, treated in hospitals or vote among other things. The EIPR stated that the press release issued by the Chief Judge of the Supreme Court did not respond to any of the evidence and legal arguments presented by the EIPR in the case, and that instead the press release only discussed the tenets and beliefs of the Bahá'í Faith, which should have had no effect on the decision of the court. The Universal House of Justice, the highest governing body of the Bahá'í Faith, made its first public comment on the case in a letter dated 21 December 2006.
Muslims who converted to the Bahá'í Faith in Sulawesi were intimidated by their neighbors and the local by government in 2007. Of seven households who converted, two returned to Islam, four refused to change, and the other ignored requests to convert again.
For past situations see also: