Yod-dropping before [uː] occurs in most varieties of English in the following environments:
There are accents, for example Welsh English, in which pairs like chews/choose, yew/you, threw/through are distinct: the first member of each pair has the diphthong [ɪu] while the second member has [uː].
Many varieties of English have extended yod dropping to the following environments, on condition that the [j] be in the same syllable as the preceding consonant:
Yod-dropping in the above environments was formerly considered nonstandard in England, but today it is heard even among well-educated RP speakers. In General American yod-dropping is found not only in the above environments but also:
General American thus undergoes yod-dropping after all alveolar consonants. Some accents of Southern American English preserve the distinction in pairs like loot/lute and do/dew by using a diphthong /ɪu/ in words where RP has /juː/, thus , etc.
However, in words like annual, menu, volume, Matthew, continue, etc., where there is a syllable break before the /j/, there is no yod dropping.
Some East Anglian accents such as Norfolk dialect extend yod-dropping not only to the position after /t/, /d/ or /n/, but to the position after nonalveolar consonants as well, so that pairs like pure/poor, beauty/booty, mute/moot, cute/coot are homophonous.. Watchers of UK television are likely to be familiar with Bernard Matthews's description of his turkeys in his television advertisements as 'bootiful'.
In yod-pronouncing dialects, the spellings eu, ew, ute, ue and ui, as in feud, few, mute, cue and suit generally indicate /juː/ or /ɪu/, while the spellings oo and ou, as in moon and soup generally indicate /uː/.
This generally occurs in unstressed syllables in all varieties of English, except for the older RP varieties. Occurring in unstressed syllables, it leads to pronunciations such as the following:
It also occurs in some accents in stressed syllables as in tune and dune. Yod-coalescence in stressed syllables occurs in Australian, Cockney and Estuary English, resulting in the words due and Jew being pronounced identically. Yod-coalescence has traditionally been considered non-RP, and thus not used by RP speakers.
Old English had a contrast between /wr/ and /r/, the former characterized by lip rounding. In Middle English, the contrast disappeared and all cases of initial /r/ came to be rounded.
There is a respectable list of words in Modern English that begin with kn, including knife, knave, knead, knee, knell, knight, knit, knock, knot, know, knuckle, and others. According to the World English Organization the most commonly used words in the English language that begin with the letters kn and also have a homophone that begins with the letter n are know, knows, knew, knot, knock and knob.
All of the kn words stem from Old English forms beginning with cn-, and at the time all were pronounced with an initial /k/ before the /n/. These words were common to the Germanic languages, most of which still pronounce the initial /k/. Thus, for example, the Old English ancestor of knee was cnēo, pronounced /kneːo/ and the cognate word in Modern German is Knie, pronounced /kniː/.
Most dialects of English reduced the initial cluster /kn/ to /n/ relatively recently--the change seems to have taken place in educated English during the seventeenth century, meaning that Shakespeare did not have the reduction.
|spit||→ 'pit||([spɪt]||→ [pʰɪt])|
|stomach||→ 'tomach||(['stɐmək]||→ ['tʰɐmək])|
|spend||→ 'pen||([spɛnd]||→ [pʰɛn]) (also affected by final consonant cluster reduction)|
|squeeze||→ 'queeze||([skʷiːz]||→ [kʰʷiz])|
|test||→ tes'||([tʰɛst]||→ [tʰɛs])|
|desk||→ des'||([dɛsk]||→ [dɛs])|
|hand||→ han'||([hænd]||→ [hæn])|
|send||→ sen'||([sɛnd]||→ [sɛn])|
|left||→ lef'||([lɛft]||→ [lɛf])|
|wasp||→ was'||([wɑːsp]||→ [wɑːs])|
The plural of test and desk become tesses and desses by the same English rule that gives us plural messes from singular mess.
For AAVE speakers with S-cluster metathesis the following words can undergo the following changes:
S-cluster metathesis is lexically determined.
The above pronunciations in fact have a long history, and all the metathesised forms have existed in English for around as long as the words themselves, with varying degrees of acceptance.
For example, the Old English verb áscian also appeared as acsian, and both forms continued into Middle English. The two forms co-existed and evolved separately in various regions of England, and later America. The variant ascian gives us the modern standard English ask, but the form "axe", probably derived from Old English acsian, appears in Chaucer: "I axe, why the fyfte man Was nought housband to the Samaritan?" (Wife of Bath's Prologue, 1386.) It was considered acceptable in literary English until about 1600 and can still be found in some dialects of English including African American Vernacular English. It is, however, one of the most stigmatized features of AAVE, often commented on by teachers. It also persists in Ulster Scots as /aks/ and Jamaican English as /aːks/, from where it has entered the London dialect of British English as /ɑːks/.
This phonological pattern in AAVE is a phonological pattern that's been mentioned from time to time, often by speech pathologists. Presumably the speech pathologists were concerned about this use of "skr" in place of standard English "str" because it was not clear whether the combination of sounds was an indication of a disorder or dialectal pattern. Still the scream-stream merger has not been observed or recorded in the literature nearly as often as other sound patterns. There are three possible reasons for this: (1) One is that because "skr" only occurs in positions where "str" can occur in general American English, there will be limited opportunity to produce the sound. (2) Secondly, the scream-stream merger may be viewed as a feature of the speech of young AAVE speakers that is not maintained in adult AAVE. (3) Thirdly, the scream-stream merger may be associated with AAVE spoken in certain regions of the United States.
In summarizing her research on the cluster, Dandy (1991) notes that the form is found in Gullah and in the speech of some young African Americans born in the Southern United States. She explains that the stream-scream merger is a highly stigmatized feature and that many of the students in her study who used it were referred to speech pathologists. She goes on to note the following about her research: "I also found a continuum that may indicate sound change in progress. If children said skretch for stretch, they probably have used the skr alternation in other words that contained the feature: skreet for street, skrong for strong, skrike for strike, skranger/deskroy for stranger/destroy. There were some who said skreet for street but did not make alteration on other words with that sound". (p. 44). Also, although Dandy does not make this point, it is important to note that the students' use of /skr/ may have been affected by the training they were getting from the speech pathologists.